災難、遷村與社會脆弱性：古茶波安的例子

After the 2009 Typhoon Morakot, the Taiwanese government relocated three indigenous villages, Dashe, Majia, and Haocha, to an area of about 30 hectares. At present, now christened Rinari and with a total population approximately 1500, this area is the most populous indigenous community in Taiwan. Using the Rinari community’s Haocha Village (Kucapungane) as a case study, this paper examines conflict and social vulnerability as they are brought about by relocation. In Kucapungane’s case, this is not the first time in recorded history that the village has been relocated, and many reconstruction policies appear to be constructed around the same notions as the earlier relocation: the government continues to believe that simply providing indigenous disaster victims with a safe place of residence will do. This study investigates the significance of space to the community, using internal viewpoints to discuss post-disaster government actions regarding resettlement, relocation, and other issues of political significance. Why did the state, which attempted to protect indigenous peoples, promote the continuation of cultural traditions, tribal integrity, and sustainable development through relocation and provision of permanent housing, not only fail to get the support of tribesmen, but also recieved criticism and backlash from the community? When disaster strikes, how can the residents of a community reorganize and mobilize? In what ways does disaster reconstruction play a role in restoring their lives, and what effect does it have on culture? In fact, due to populations residing in different ecological and social environments, they adapt differently to natural disasters and strain. Therefore, in disaster research, if one does not start from within the study population to understand the practical implications of the disaster in a specific cultural context, and if one is unable to separate oneself from subjective social and cultural contexts, one’s analysis will deviate from the facts and will not help understand the root causes of the disaster. As for the long-standing interdependent relationship between indigenous people and the land, it includes a community’s life experiences, material culture and collective memory. Once indigenous people are removed from their ancestral living space and traditional territory, their livelihoods as well as interpersonal relationships are difficult to maintain. History has proved that relocation not only affects space, productivity and social structure, it also has effects on cultural preservation. Political compromise shaped Rinari, just as the geography of the administrative enclave includes both cultural heterogeneity and the ability of the community to live together in conflict as recorded in history. Miscellaneous factors may lead to both ethnic cooperation as well as continued conflict in the future. Rinari’s crowded living space, and an obvious shortage of arable land, are sufficient to cause new problems and difficulties in industrial development. The future, if one considers the difference and particularity of the individual ethnic groups in language, culture and lifestyle, and uses a generalized mode of thinking to simplify complex ethnic issues, most likely holds another disaster, this time of another sort.. In post-disaster reconstruction it is not just ＂housing＂ that must be settled, or the construction of public facilities. The reconstruction process must also factor in the consideration of the people’s mentality, health, culture and society. Our research suggests that relocation methods should be reviewed and due consideration be given to land, culture, education, and economic livelihood issues in newly established areas. Policies that determine fundamental considerations and make use of detailed assessments to carry out practices may minimize the negative impacts of relocation and resettlement on indigenous cultural survival, and form a base for cultural development.